historicaldocuments:fedpapers:federalist04
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====== FEDERALIST No. 4 ====== | ====== FEDERALIST No. 4 ====== | ||
To the People of the State of New York: | To the People of the State of New York: | ||
- | MY LAST paper assigned several reasons why the safety of the people would be best secured by union against the danger it may be exposed to by JUST causes of war given to other nations; and those reasons show that such causes would not only be more rarely given, but would also be more easily accommodated, | + | MY LAST paper assigned several reasons why the safety of the people would be best secured by union against the danger it may be exposed to by **JUST** causes of war given to other nations; and those reasons show that such causes would not only be more rarely given, but would also be more easily accommodated, |
- | But the safety of the people of America against dangers from FOREIGN force depends not only on their forbearing to give JUST causes of war to other nations, but also on their placing and continuing themselves in such a situation as not to INVITE hostility or insult; for it need not be observed that there are PRETENDED as well as just causes of war. | + | But the safety of the people of America against dangers from **FOREIGN** force depends not only on their forbearing to give **JUST** causes of war to other nations, but also on their placing and continuing themselves in such a situation as not to **INVITE** hostility or insult; for it need not be observed that there are **PRETENDED** as well as just causes of war. |
It is too true, however disgraceful it may be to human nature, that nations in general will make war whenever they have a prospect of getting anything by it; nay, absolute monarchs will often make war when their nations are to get nothing by it, but for the purposes and objects merely personal, such as thirst for military glory, revenge for personal affronts, ambition, or private compacts to aggrandize or support their particular families or partisans. These and a variety of other motives, which affect only the mind of the sovereign, often lead him to engage in wars not sanctified by justice or the voice and interests of his people. But, independent of these inducements to war, which are more prevalent in absolute monarchies, but which well deserve our attention, there are others which affect nations as often as kings; and some of them will on examination be found to grow out of our relative situation and circumstances. | It is too true, however disgraceful it may be to human nature, that nations in general will make war whenever they have a prospect of getting anything by it; nay, absolute monarchs will often make war when their nations are to get nothing by it, but for the purposes and objects merely personal, such as thirst for military glory, revenge for personal affronts, ambition, or private compacts to aggrandize or support their particular families or partisans. These and a variety of other motives, which affect only the mind of the sovereign, often lead him to engage in wars not sanctified by justice or the voice and interests of his people. But, independent of these inducements to war, which are more prevalent in absolute monarchies, but which well deserve our attention, there are others which affect nations as often as kings; and some of them will on examination be found to grow out of our relative situation and circumstances. | ||
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From these and such like considerations, | From these and such like considerations, | ||
- | The people of America are aware that inducements to war may arise out of these circumstances, | + | The people of America are aware that inducements to war may arise out of these circumstances, |
As the safety of the whole is the interest of the whole, and cannot be provided for without government, either one or more or many, let us inquire whether one good government is not, relative to the object in question, more competent than any other given number whatever. | As the safety of the whole is the interest of the whole, and cannot be provided for without government, either one or more or many, let us inquire whether one good government is not, relative to the object in question, more competent than any other given number whatever. | ||
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PUBLIUS. | PUBLIUS. | ||
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historicaldocuments/fedpapers/federalist04.txt · Last modified: 2021/02/23 16:15 by 127.0.0.1